Kaalakiota & Labour Value

For over three centuries Kaalakiota Corporation has been the bulwark of the Caldari spirit and the bastion of the Caldari worker-soldier whose labour has outlasted their lives in the provision of a corporate monolith that stands as guardian over the might that is the Caldari State. To witness Kaalakiota Corporation is to see the foundation of millions of, “Socially necessary labour hours” (Haukkato YC32) made manifest through the Kaalakiota workforce, which the loyalist of the corporate monolith would recognise as the social and material consecration of the company but which the agitator would decry as “theft”. These agitators fuelled by the individualist and egalitarian rhetoric of the Federation argue that a Caldari worker must be an independent agent whose labour should be sold for the highest possible credit value (Tsuumaki YC75). They further argue that the Union is the necessary shield of the worker against the alienating effects of the corporate workplace (Intaro YC97). This materialist critique ignores the particular characteristics of the Caldari Megacorp and the relationship between the worker-soldier and the social identification with the Kaalakiota brand (Kaalakiota YC118). While a Labour Value Theory correctly identifies that labour is the source of all value it is only through the lens of the Bastion of Kaalakiota that the ultimate purpose of labour value is correctly applied: The preservation of the Caldari State over the transient material comforts of the individual. It is a recognition that while Kaalakiota correctly harvests surplus value the end-point of the act is not just mere profit but the construction of a financial and industrial monolith that will outlast the lives of the worker-soldier. It has been the discipline and sacrifice of the worker-soldier that has successfully leveraged “variable capital” into a corporate engine the envy of the cluster. This essay will deconstruct the Unionist delusion using the very rigor they claim to champion to prove that for a citizen of Kaalakiota the surplus value of labour extracted is the very dividend that defends the Caldari State and promotes the future of our culture and society.

The primary fault line of the Unionist agenda is the existing tension between the extractive value of labour and the social dividends of Kaalakiota. The traditional labour unionist critique of Kaalakiota corporate doctrine is that extractive value of labour constitutes a “theft” of the worker-soldier’s “life force” — that surplus value created by labour but seized by capital to expand private wealth (Haukkato YC32). For the Unionist every kredit extracted by Kaalakiota in surplus value is seizing it from the pockets of the worker-soldier. This assessment however is countermanded by the actual maxim of Kaalakiota Corporation: that every kredit extracted in surplus from labour constitutes a social dividend paid in return to the worker-soldier. This, “Total provision on the part of State companies such as Kaalakiota ensures that surplus value is not liquidated into the bank accounts of the elite finance but returned and reinvested to ensure the worker’s own survival” (Saikkaima YC54). A corporate loyalist would argue that the Unionist argument is essentially a hollow one. All the effort expended into strikes or collective bargaining is wasted when a higher wage having reclaimed their surplus results in having to navigate an ineffective and predatory market such as in the Federation for the very infrastructure, security and services that Kaalakiota already provides as a default. The social dividend of Kaalakiota Corporation ensures that worker-soldiers are not the victims of extractive surplus but the beneficiaries and stakeholders in a monolith that provides for its corporate citizenry. To bargain for a higher wage as the Unions suggest is to settle for a pittance; to work for Kaalakiota is to claim the stars in solidarity with the worker-citizens of the company.

This dichotomy between the free labour of the Unionist agenda and the Total Provision of Kaalakiota is the crux of a cultural and economic chasm that has existed between the market forces of Federation and State since prior to the secession. Under the LTV paradigm, “Free Labour” is, “that ability of the independent worker to bargain in an open market for their labour power to the highest bidder” (Poitama YC103). The Unionist would argue that such an economic situation allows for a worker to decouple their life from the forge, treating their time as a commodity they own and trade (Haukkato YC32). However, the Kaalakiota worker-soldier recognises that this “Free Labour” is a forfeiture of their rights to the material, social, and military provisions afforded to them by the company. To exist in a state of “Free Labour” is to be, “Cast to the economic anarchy of production in the free market with no protection of their life or property” (Takuveras 109). By providing the forge, the housing, and the security Kaalakiota ensures every worker-soldier participation in an economic system that maximises their potential and ameliorates the “merchant’s anxiety” of having to sell their labour in a predatory marketplace. A Kaalakiota worker-soldier would see the Unionists demands for a “living wage” as a primitive one: why ask for a “living wage” when Kaalakiota provides all the amenities for the life of the worker-soldier under its stewardship?

A Unionist such as Soven-Thould (YC110) would argue that under a capitalist Megacorporation the worker-soldier is psychologically separated and alienated from the output of their labour and their own production process due to the ownership of the means of production by capital. To a Unionist a Caldari worker-soldier is a nameless statistic, a variable whose creative output remains unrealised due to being separated from the components of material production. However, what the Unionist fails to grasp is that the Caldari worker-soldier of Kaalakiota is not separated from the particulars of production but, “Is sought be completely integrated into the workplace and industrial vanguard of the corporation” (Sakikilen YC111). What is desired is not a specious “freedom” from the corporate machine such as in the Federation where the worker is truly separated and alienated in the marketplace, a mercenary of labour shifting from contract to contract, but rather a complete identity where the worker-soldier is a patriot of Kaalakiota first in fellowship and solidarity with their fellow corporate citizens. When a worker contributes their labour to Kaalakiota as a company they are not merely receiving a wage they are, “Part of the greatness that is Kaalakiota, where every citizen is participating in the collective efforts of a communal project where their labour is immortalised by the future legacy of the company” (Kaalakiota YC118).

There has been a marked tendency of Unionists to disparage the establishment of the Caldari Megacorporation as stifling to the ability of labour to engage in collective bargaining. The operant assumption is according to the Unionists:

That without the ability of labour forces to coalesce around an industrial vanguard with sufficient impetus to curtail corporate exploitation in the interest of the worker through collective bargaining the only recourse left is violence. (Rutilkama YC112).

To such Unionists—and indeed the now defunct Caldari Providence Directorate—violence is the first recourse in bargaining with the capital owning class and Kaalakiota itself. However the true corporate loyalist of Kaalakiota can see the dangerous delusions at the crux of Unionist bargaining. Collective bargaining is not a call to arms but the addressing of fundamental insufficiencies between the requirements of labour and the capital owning bourgeoisie of the company. For a military-industrial corporation such as Kaalakiota collective bargaining is fatal—the factory floor is an extension of the frontline in defence of the State and its interests. Collective bargaining, and especially the violence inherent in strike actions is a direct affront to lives and prosperity of not just Kaalakiota but the wider State milieu. The Unionist demands for “work-life balance” is a luxury born of the laxity and complacency of a desire for peace. Kaalakiota cannot negotiate the socially required labour time to deter and repel an attack upon the State. The output of labour is the continued sovereignty and security of the State. Withholding labour is not a political statement, it is an act of desertion and violence. Value is found not in a higher wage but in survival of the State and its citizenry.

For the Unionist whom adheres to a flattened interpretation of labour value theory argues that since all labour contributes to the whole then it follows that the benefits of production must be radically redistributed in order to achieve a material parity or, “Equal outcomes for every worker” (Juvolainen YC113). They view the vertical integration of Kaalakiota Corporation as an artificial constraint upon the worker to conduct “Super extraction” of value from the proletariat to enrich the capital class (Dokura YC112). However the Kaalakiota worker-soldier realises this egalitarian goal by Unionists is nothing more than industrial equivocation of the goal of a Caldari Megacorporation—labour value is not just a function of time but that of personal refinement. Those who enter the crucible of the State meritocracy and advance up the corporate ladder become high value assets where their place in the hierarchy of the body corporate is testament to their skill and ability, justifying a greater outlay of labour surplus to lead the proletariat worker-soldier. As Uusoko (YC121, p.127) observes: “A union that defends the average worker does so only at the expense of the superlative worker, leading only to a general mediocrity in the labour force and the stagnation of the Caldari race.” Within Kaalakiota leadership is awarded with a greater share of surplus value because they represent the maximal conversion of labour into political and economic power. The Union offers only the comfort of a herd mediocrity in the pursuit of equality; Kaalakiota offers the ladder of tested leadership—a hierarchy that successfully claimed the stars for the Caldari State.

To audit the relationship between the worker-soldier and Kaalakiota one must move beyond the shallow and selfish whims of the Unionists who seek a return for their “stolen” time in the form of kredits, comfort, and idle time but the loyal worker seeks something more in return for their time and labour: a corporate monument in Kaalakiota that will outlast them and stand as testament to their efforts in the interests of the company; that time is only truly saved when invested and forged into something that will not decay. While it is correct according to the labour value theory that surplus of value is extracted from the time and labour of a worker it does not adequately account for the Caldari cultural impetus that for a citizen the surplus desired is kinetic—a contribution to Corporation and State that ensures the continued survival of our shared destiny among the stars. The Unionist may offer a bargain with the fiat of a “Free Labourer” or “Equal Outcomes” that we have deconstructed as Gallentean shadows encroaching upon the worker-soldier. What Kaalakiota offers in contrast is a future legacy, a monolith of the will forged by its citizenry. We do not work for the corporation; we are the corporation, and the corporate monolith will remain just as the mountain.

Bibliography:

Dokura, H. (YC112) Market Forces & Directives, Nonni: Kaalakiota Press.

Haukkato, K. (YC32) ‘Social Perspectives & Labour Value Aggregation’, Kaalakiota Strategic Bureau, 7, pp.23-31.

Intaro, T. (YC97) The Corporate Monolith, Nonni: Kaalakiota Press.

Juvolainen, D. (YC113) The New Market Paradigms, Nonni: Kaalakiota Press.

Kaalakiota Corporation, (YC118), Interface Specialist Brand Management, Nonni: Kaalakiota Press.

Poitama, L. (YC103) The Value of Labour, Nonni: Kaalakiota Press.

Rutilkama, R. (YC113) Corporate Capital Requirements, Nonni: Kaalakiota Press

Saikkaima, I. (YC54) Labour Protocols, Nonni: Kaalakiota Press.

Sakikilen, M. (YC111) Volatility Management in Human Capital, Nonni: Kaalakiota Press.

Soven-Thould, E. (YC110) Development Tools for the Directorate, Nonni: Kaalakiota Press.

Takuveras, S. (YC109) Social Disorder: The Rise of the Caldari Providence Directorate, Nonni: Kaalakiota Press.

Tsuumaki, S. (YC75) The Requirements of Social Order, Nonni: Kaalakiota Press.

Uusoko, N. (YC121). ‘Corporate Autarky Principles.’ Kaalakiota Strategic Bureau, 117, pp.120-130.

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Alright, pause.

There’s a lot of seemingly misattributed concepts in here that, in my opinion, betray a lack of understanding of the Caldari Unionist position. I spot a number of putative statements that treat themselves as self evident (or are supposedly supported with unverifiable citations) that are either patently incorrect or turn into argumentative dead ends. As much as I would love to go line by line pointing out each of them trying to go line by line on this feels like wading through cornstarch. Before I try to compress everything down into points I can address, help me understand your position here.

When you penned this takedown of the “Unionist” position, are you directing it towards the emergent labor-nationalist position within Kaalakiota that seeks for a larger degree of worker self-management and political authority from the bottom-up through the State Workers Union? Or are you addressing this to the liberal-anarchist United Champions of Freedom movement?

The former I have championed as the future of Kaalakiota in a post-Provist State, and with any luck a guiding force within the Mountain Faction. The latter is nothing short of a machination of the Federation aiming to coopt that authentic movement, led by Federal intelligence assets.

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Before a fruitful discussion can begin one does have to have an opening position. If you interpret that as a ‘takedown’ that may be a fair take on your part but that is far from the intent of the piece in question. I’m open to a discussion about the nature of labour within Kaalakiota in a post-CPD era whilst recognising the role played by unions in that movement.

I’m calling DERAIL on you for unsanctioned AI use.

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I am only concerned with the structural strictures impeding the workers and soldiers of Kaalakiota due to the extractive surplus methods of management. While stability of the company and its labour force remains paramount I believe Labour Value Theory still holds true from a purely materialist perspective and improving the material conditions of the worker in Kaalakiota is a duty and obligation for anyone who loves their Mother Corporation.

Discussion is important, especially from the outside locus of power and privilege we all share as Capsuleers.

That’s a nice opinion you have there, did the AI that wrote this give it to you?

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This reads like human writing, although poor Muromtsev may have had a subordinate slip some Crash into their synth-coffee as a joke.

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Come on, there’s perfectly legal alternatives for middle management trying to meet a kimono opening deadline.

Like synth-crash.

This rambling, incoherent defense of “Corporate Solidarity” seems to boil down to the claim that the continued existence of “daddy Mega” provides a fulfilling life. Pooh-poohing the idea of Work-Life Balance as treason certainly is an opinion I would expect from State ultras.

A worker’s syndicalist State, one which affords its citizens real say in how the corporations to which they dedicate their lives act could only be a boon for the entire cluster and could even bring an end to the pointless war with the Federation - and dare I say set a model for overcoming corporate oppression in my nation. It is unfortunate that the “UCF” has damaged this push with their violence (although I condemn the attempts to paint this organization as supported in any way by the Federation as vile propaganda).

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In principle, Kaalakiota shouldn’t need a union; no State mega should. A union’s existence implies diverging interests between the employer and employee, which is a natural state of affairs for most business interests but is a serious problem if it’s happening in the State.

The State has no meaningful government outside of the megas. If the megas are not serving Caldari society at large to the point where that society needs other entities to represent its interests, something has gone badly wrong.

Naturally, that doesn’t at all mean it doesn’t happen.

Caldari meritocracy functions best when the elite realize they were made elites to serve the good of their people and not for any intrinsic virtue or value. They are rewarded for the work they do on their people’s behalf, not because they are inherently “better.” It suffers when they forget this.

Times when they forget this are times when a union-- essentially a peaceful-for-now worker rebellion-- might start to seem appealing.

Kaalakiota’s workers shouldn’t need a union. If it’s starting to look like the Technician and Laborer castes they think they do, it’s time for the Executives to take a close look at why. The “why” is relatively unlikely to be outside meddling (the lower castes tend to be if anything more traditional and nationalistic, and have less access to imports like Gallentean holoflicks that can serve as vectors for meddling, than their superiors), so that close look should include a look in the mirror.

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Who knows maybe one day my fellow citizens might tire of this late-stage capitalism and a new revolutionary vanguard of industry will overthrow corporate management but as you point out there is indeed a war on with the Federation that requires at least some measure of dutiful attention.

This is about as true as saying “good starships don’t need backup life support systems.” Which, I hope, is the point you were trying to make. By and large, detractors of Caldari unionism completely fail to understand what the union actually is and what purpose it exists to fulfil.

Caldari meritocracy is not the liberal meritocracy of “position of least competency.” The corporate structure should not be seen as a top down hierarchy of corporate patronage that you “rise through” as your socio-economic standing increases until you can no longer rise, but as an integral body where each worker classification represents a critical organ. Despite what some might think, an executive is not necessarily smarter or more Caldari than a technician, the technician just possesses a different type of mechanical intellect that excels within their role than an executive’s verbal intellect. The conscious mind doesn’t manually dictate every heartbeat, every breath, and every bloodcell. Critical functions are delegated to specialized subsystems that have been trained to self-regulate. Likewise, a corporate executive isn’t going to know the best way to manage a welding shop or have a direct personal familiarity with what those shop workers need to be successful. The Union isn’t merely for anything as crass as wage-begging in a free-labor market. Its the organizational structure and chain of accountability there to aid in transmitting the material needs of the working class to the rest of the corporate body and providing a cross-corporate structure supported by the CEP to ensure harmony between social classes. Without it, class tensions and workplace frustrations would have no outlet and would give rise to spontaneous, fragmented, and dangerous acts of rebellion with no direction form a sufficiently trained political vanguard. There is no other way to say this, but the CEP and each megacorporation don’t allow the continued existence of the State Worker’s Union simply because they think its the nice thing to do. They accept its existence because it improves efficiency when times are good and is better than the alternative when times are bad. It exists to keep the Caldari working class invested as part of a larger national project and mitigate class resentment.

Caldari unionism, especially within the Kaalakiota faction, isn’t about striking out against mother mega to negotiate back a piece of their surplus labor, or any misattributed concept of the labor theory of value-- which, by the way, the original post bizarrely thinks is mutually exclusive with receiving non-salary compensation for your employer. Our platform has been public for some time now:

  • Granting the labor union the right to workplace self-management

  • Forming Union-Affiliated State-Sponsored Parallel Civic Institutions Dedicated to Supporting Union Members and Their Families

  • Ceaseless, Uncompromising Solidarity with the Working Class to Build a Broad Left Wing Nationalist Coalition

  • The Formation of a Nationalist Proletariat Vanguard and a Strong State to Preserve the Caldari System from External Enemies

  • Support Haatakan Oiritsuu’s Five-Year Economic Development Plans

  • Support Rationing as a method to distribute resources to each class’s needs as determined by their ability and curb economic bust cycles by limiting overconsumption

This is especially groan-inducing when when SAYR and other major organizations loyal to the Mountain Faction have long advocated for the unionist vanguard having a moral obligation to lead the charge as citizen-soldiers to preserve our way of life over the depravations of Gallente liberal exploitation. Moreoever, we have regularly conducted military operations and political purges against the liberal-anarchist class-traitors in the United Champions of Freedom who work as agents of the Federation. This strategy has seemingly been successful and gaining acceptance in pushing the Kaalakiota corporate culture toward greater worker concessions, or we wouldn’t be having this reactionary conversation.

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The original post could be read as reactionary; I only admit to the contentious: corporate legalism tends towards the advocacy for the Devil.

It is my opinion that Kaalakiota will always require an industrial vanguard to advocate for the rights and conditions of the worker-citizen–this is entirely (in my view) the primary responsibility of Kaalakiota as a Megacorporation: the defence of its citizenry and labour force.

Kaalakiota is the corporate shield that defends the Caldari worker but it is the Caldari Union that can bring the voice of the Caldari worker to management collectively in their own interests. I was trying to point out that the conception of a Union in the Gallentean, liberal sense is deeply flawed as it tends to focus on the individuality of the worker under a guise of progressivism that ironically will only atomise that worker further instead of achieving collective advocacy in the workplace.